2019年上半年笔译二级实务真题试卷
必做题
1. In 2009, Time magazine hailed an online math program piloted at three New York City public schools, as one of the year’s 50 best innovations. Each day, the software generated individualized math “playlists” for students who then chose the “modality” in which they wished to learn—software, a virtual teacher or a flesh-and-blood one. A different algorithm sorted teachers’ specialties and schedules to match a student’s needs. “It generates the lessons, the tests and it grades the tests,” one veteran instructor marveled.
Although the program made only modest improvements in students’ math scores and was adopted by only a handful of New York schools (not the 50 for which it was slated), it serves as a notable example of a pattern that Andrea Gabor charts in “After the Education Wars.” For more than three decades, an unlikely coalition of corporate philanthropists, educational technology entrepreneurs and public education bureaucrats has spearheaded a brand of school reform characterized by the overvaluing of technology and standardized testing and a devaluing of teachers and communities. The trend can be traced back to a hyperbolic 1983 report, “A Nation at Risk,” issued by President Ronald Reagan’s National Commission on Excellence in Education. Against the backdrop of an ascendant Japanese economy and consistent with President Reagan’s disdain for public education (and teachers’ unions), “A Nation at Risk” blamed America’s ineffectual schools for a “rising tide of mediocrity” that was diminishing America’s global role in a new high-tech world.
Policymakers turned their focus to public education as a matter of national security, one too important (and potentially too profitable) to entrust to educators. The notion that top-down decisions by politicians, not teachers, should determine what children need was a thread running through the bipartisan 2001 No Child Left Behind Act, the Obama administration’s Race to the Top and state-initiated Common Core standards, and the current charter-driven agenda of Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos. “Accountability” became synonymous with standardized tests, resulting in a testing juggernaut with large profits going to commercial publishing giants like Pearson.
The education wars have been demoralizing for teachers, over 17 percent of whom drop out within their first five years. No one believes that teaching to the test is good pedagogy, but what are the options when students’ future educational choices, teachers’ salaries and retention and, in some states, the fate of entire schools rest on student test scores? In meticulous detail, Gabor documents reform’s institutional failings. She describes the turns in New York City’s testing-obsessed policies, the undermining of Michigan’s once fine public schools and the heartbreaking failure of New Orleans to remake its schools after Hurricane Katrina.
2009年，《时代》杂志发文称赞三所纽约市公立学校试点推行的在线数学课程，称其是该年度的五十大杰出创新成果之一。该课程软件每天都会生成个性化的数学课“播放列表”，学生可根据想要学习的内容选择具体的“播放模式”。这款课程软件既是一位虚拟教师，也会呈现出一种有血有肉的真实形象。通过一种特别的算法，课程软件对所有教师的专业课程与排课时间进行分类，以满足每位学生的需求。一位资深讲师就曾惊叹称，“这款软件不仅能够生成课程与测试内容，还可对测试结果进行评分”。
虽然该课程并未大幅提升学生的数学成绩，且仅有少数纽约学校采用（并非预期进驻的50所学校），但却是安德烈埃.加博尔（Andrea Gabor）在《教育战争》（After the Education Wars）中所提出的教改模式的一个典型范例。三十多年来，看似不可能达成统一战线的众多企业慈善家、教育技术企业家和公共教育官员率先掀起一股学校改革风潮，其特点就是极度重视技术及标准化测试，同时弱化对教师和社会的关注。这一风潮可以追溯到罗纳德.里根政府时期的“国家教育卓越委员会（Na
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