笔译二级实务模拟试卷48
必做题
1. The development of the modern presidency in the United States began with Andrew Jackson who swept to power in 1829 at the head of the Democratic Party and served until 1837. During his administration, he immeasurably enlarged the power of the presidency. \\
美国现代总统制度的发展是从安德鲁.杰克逊开始的。这位民主党领导人于1829年上台执政，1837年卸任。在他任职期间，总统的权力被极大地扩充了。参议院反对他时，他对参议院说：“总统是美国人民的直接代表，由人民选举产生，对人民负责。”杰克逊用这番话重新定义了总统府的角色及其与人民的关系。
在杰克逊的第二个任期内，他的反对者们逐渐联合起来组成了辉格党。辉格党人和民主党人对市场、银行、商业引发的变化持有不同的态度。民主党人倾向于把社会看作“人民”(农民、种植园主、工人)与一群贪婪贵族之间的持续斗争。他们宣称，那些银行家和投资者们都是“钞票贵族”，为了自己的利益操纵了银行系统，通过鼓励投机和迅速赚取不义之财败坏了国家的美德。民主党人既想从市场中获得好处，又不想失去朴素的农业共和国的特征。他们想要市场提供的财富而不想要竞争激烈、不断变化的社会，复杂的交易，大城市的主宰地位和随之而来的独立性的丧失。
另一方面，辉格党人对市场更为适应。对于他们来说，商业和经济发展是文明的动力。然而，辉格党人没有预见到农民、工人群体与商人、银行家群体之间的冲突。他们认为，经济增长会通过增加国民收入和就业机会使每个人受益。政府的责任就是提供一个受到良好监管的经济制度，确保有能力的公民能获得机会。
辉格党人和民主党人的分歧不仅表现在对市场的态度上，还表现在中央政府究竟应该在人民生活中起到多少作用的问题上。尽管安德鲁.杰克逊想做一个强势的总统，但民主党人通常主张有限政府。政府在经济中的作用是通过摧毁垄断和特权来鼓励竞争。与有限政府的理念相一致的是，民主党人认为政府的行为不应干涉到人们的道德信仰。民主党人确信，宗教和政治应该明确分开，他们也普遍反对人道主义立法。
相反，辉格党人对政府权力持积极态度。他们认为，应该用政府权力保护个人权利和公众自由，在个人努力无效的情况下，政府权力要发挥特殊作用。通过规划经济和竞争，政府可以保证机会平等。确实，对于辉格党人来说，政府促进普遍福利的概念已经超出了
经济意义。尤其是美国北部的辉格党人也认为，应该利用政府权力来培养国家的道德福利。
他们更倾向于支持社会改革立法和对教育的资助。
解析：
2. There is a quality of cohesiveness about the Roman world that applied neither to Greece nor perhaps to any other civilization, ancient or modern. Like the stones of Roman wall, which were held together both by the regularity of the design and by that peculiarly powerful Roman cement, so the various parts of the Roman realm were bonded into a massive, monolithic entity by physical, organizational, and psychological controls. The physical bonds included the network of military garrisons, which were stationed in every province, and the network of stone-built roads that linked the provinces with Rome. The organizational bonds were based on the common principles of law and administration and on the universal army of officials who enforced common standards of conduct. The psychological controls were built on fear and punishment—on the absolute certainty that anyone or anything that threatened the authority of Rome would be utterly destroyed.
The source of Roman obsession with unity and cohesion may well have lain in the pattern of Rome’s early development. Whereas Greece had grown from scores of scattered cities, Rome grew from one single organism. While the Greek world had expanded along the Mediterranean seas lanes, the Roman world was assembled by territorial conquest. Of course, the contrast is not quite so stark: in Alexander the Great the Greeks had found the greatest territorial conqueror of all time; and the Romans, once they moved outside Italy, did not fail to learn the lessons of sea power. Yet the essential difference is undeniable. The key to the Greek world lay in its high-powered ships; the key to Roman power lay in its marching legions. The Greeks were wedded to the sea; the Romans, to the land. The Greek was a sailor at heart; the Roman, a landsman.
Certainly, in trying to explain the Roman phenomenon, one would have to place great emphasis on this almost instinct for the territorial imperative. Roman priorities lay in the organization, exploitation, and defense of their territory. In all probability it was the fertile plain of Latium, where the Latins who founded Rome orig
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